He tossed a
coin and it fell on the floor and the packed audience looked at the speaker in
curious anticipation. It was at the Physics Lecture Theatre or PLT1 at the Presidency
College, Calcutta – sometime in the 1960s. It was the turn of this science
student to proclaim the superiority of science over arts. His opponent had just
finished a highly intellectual and passionate defence of humanities, swaying
the audience with his erudition. Then he started slowly – “as you have just
seen, the coin dropped as it drops everywhere all the time, it fell the same
way in Dhaka too. But when I studied history at my Dhaka school a few years
back, I was taught Aurangzeb was the best Mughal emperor and Akbar the worst
and then I was forced to undertake a bus journey to this side of the border and
my friends here taught me that Akbar was the greatest of all and Aurangzeb was
a bigot”.
Re-naming
of streets, cities, universities and institutions is a typical Indian
affliction – we are always eager to erase vestiges of colonialism, to pamper
so-called local or community sentiments etc. If road names are to be reviewed
on the basis of their deeds then it would be a particularly difficult task for
the civic authorities in New Delhi. Lodhi Garden and Lodhi Road should be
renamed first as they were not only inept but notoriously cruel (forget about
common people, one Lodhi Prince was skinned alive for rebellion and then his
flesh was cooked with rice and forced fed to his widow and children). I don’t
know Tughlaq Road is named after sadistic and whimsical Muhammad Bin or bigoted
Firoz (son of a Hindu mother, destroyed temples and tortured Brahmins at places
as far off as Kangra and Orissa) but either way we must rename this
thoroughfare immediately (additionally one has to think about renaming Feroz
Shah Kotla Stadium). And when you start digging, such problems are endless –
why not re-name QutabMinar, where physical evidences of temple destruction are
visible even today. Why only Muslim rulers, even the record of Ashok, before
the Kalinga war, was terrible – in comparison to Aurangzeb’s three, Ashok
killed 99 brothers/claimants to the throne.
Finding
another important stretch of road in the heart of New Delhi to name after APJ
Abdul Kalam was not that difficult. We have important roads named after foreign
leaders, completely rejected in their homelands (Tito or Nasser), long
forgotten or hardly known anywhere else outside their home country (Archbishop
Makarios – from Cyprus or San Martin – Argentine liberation hero). But the
point is of course to erase the legacy of a bad Muslim leader and replace him
by a good Muslim – a sentiment that would have shocked Kalam more than anyone
else, had he been alive.
When
Pakistan was created in 1947, the ruling elite wanted a history of their own –
as different from history of Hindustan. As a perfect example of nations as
“imagined communities” – they tried to erase or ignore memories of centuries of
shared living and found myths of two different nations through the ages. In
some of the extreme cases, beginning/creation of Pakistan was pushed back to
Muhammad Ghori or Mahmud of Ghazni and even to Muhammad Bin-Qasim, who
conquered Sindh briefly in early 8th century. Historians of eminence
like I H Qureshi (taught at St Stephen’s before Partition) and A H Dani(received
Ph D in Sanskrit from BHU) led this effort to Islamize the history of
sub-continent. And it resulted in proclaiming Akbar as someone, who let down
the cause of Islam and Aurangzeb as the true Islamic hero, who had to face the
Hindu backlash. It was the historiography of a nation born opposing the
so-called Hindu hegemony.
Aurangzeb
ruled over the largest ever Indian empire before the British. His rule stretched
from Kashmir in the North to Gingee in deep South and from
Hindukush-Balochistan in the West to Assam in the East. Though the stories of
him earning his own expenses by stitching caps etc are exaggeration but he was
austere in his lifestyle in marked contrast to his predecessors. After Akbar, among
the Mughal Emperors, he was the only other military genius. As a stern ruler,
deeply committed to justice, he was indefatigable – a European traveller was
amazed to see how Aurangzeb then in his late eighties, was reading every
petition without any glass and writing answers himself,
mostly on the petition itself. Neither his sons nor any noble could dare to
disobey his orders, for misconduct, he kept one of his sons in jail for 14 long
years.
As someone,
who ruled such a vast empire for nearly half a century, Aurangzeb, no doubt was
an extraordinarily capable person but at the same time he was a complicated
character. Often he did what suited the situation and his interest at that
particular point in time. So it is meaningless to argue whether he destroyed
temples or provided grants to them (both actually) or he employed more Hindus
(factually correct) than even Akbar in higher administration or he drove them
away (perhaps gave less importance to Rajputs later on but welcomed more
Maratha and Deccani Hindu elite into Mughal service). More than anything else,
he was an autocratic ruler of 17th century, when in most of Europe,
it was impossible for anyone to have a religion other than the King’s religion
and Spaniards were indulging in worst genocide in recorded history by wiping
out whole continents in the New World.
In his
personal life, he was a narrow-minded Muslim that at times provided a certain
colour to his actions, which otherwise also he would have done – like seeking
ulema’s sanction (after defeating but ) before killing Dara or declaring war
against (Shia-ruled) Bijapur and Golconda as Jihad. But mostly his religious
belief did not interfere with his hard-nosed approach to real politics.
Aurangzeb saw himself as the divinely ordained ruler of Hindustan, something
all his nobles – irrespective of their own religious belief – acknowledged. He
underestimated Shivaji merely an upstart zamindar (perhaps undermining
Shivaji’s support base) but he cannot be faulted for not recognizing him as a
nationalist hero – there was surely no concept of nation for either Aurangzeb
or Shivaji. Similarly his most successful commander against Shivaji, Jai Singh
(highest ranking Hindu noble ever under the Mughals at 7000 zat/7000 sawar and
the only person outside the immediate royal family to hold the post of viceroy
of Deccan) could not even imagine allying with Shivaji on the basis of common
religion.
Standard
Pakistani history text books merely relegate Akbar to a cursory mention between
a brilliant Babar at Panipat in 1526 (though he defeated a fellow Muslim,
Ibrahim Lodhi) and the eventual Mughal hero, Aurangzeb. It is our wishful
thinking that we can change the course of history by re-writing text books or
re-naming streets. Past cannot be re-made through our coloured vision of
present – neither Akbar was the father of national integration nor was Aurangzeb
a Pakistani hero – the real problem is our failure to accept the past as it
was.